Dr. M. S. HaqIt now appears a variety of realities such as and as appropriate a continuing absence of democracy, ‘democracy’ related insufficiency, quick births and deaths of initial conditions of democracy or otherwise as appropriate in concerned Arab countries and in Egypt – are at present – one of the major barriers to transformation of above countries from predominantly security states into initially a kind of welfare states with certain amounts of democracy for purposes say maximum satisfaction of maximum number of people therein on a sustainable basis through the foreseeable future.Further, causes, effects and causalities of above and other realities have been taking the toll on efforts towards, as applicable, peace, peaceful co-existence, progress and prosperity within and outside the region against the backdrop of growing interdependencies, and increasing uncertainties in the form of say Arab-Israel conflicts, Israel-Palestine conflict, intra-country conflicts, induced ‘conflicts’ a result of say influences of regional environments on concerned countries – somewhat similar to anatomy and physiology that influence heart-pulse rates of the human body.
Inabilities of above countries to create and sustain initial conditions of democracy and to build upon those conditions for a solid democratic transition therein are largely attributable to constraints such as and as appropriate: a continuous consolidation, holding and controlling of the critical mass of state power, governance and resources by a few powerful people (I mean the ruling class) including their dependents and associates for a relatively long period of time; and pollution laden institutions as a result of above and other constraints – all at the cost of, as proper though, rights, obligations, liberty, freedom, entitlements, and the right and affordable justice for all at all time (to mention a few) of rest of the countries’ people on per capita and other bases.
Developments, mentioned and not mentioned above, have been instrumental in inter alia and as appropriate: shaping and strengthening security perceptions among people of countries concerned – fueling in effect motivations for acquiring and accumulating say weapons of various types by all concerned; widening and deepening ‘justifications’ for those countries to maintain, on a continuous basis, the status quo of security state; transforming the region into weapons markets, weapons depots, and conflict zones with ramifications of global and other proportions in pertinent areas; and promoting opportunities for uses of above weapons against the countries’ own people in attempts towards for example silencing peoples’ voices, as well as dissatisfactions, and hiding the countries’ failures to win over neighbors in the pursuit of peaceful co-existence or resisting neighbors from doing things not conducive to say common good of above countries or the region at large or both.
Existential imbalances in say weapons capabilities in the region, whether as a result of grand designs or otherwise as applicable; and efforts towards maintaining a sustainable control over resources and politics of the region by all concerned in pursuits of say balancing power matrices at local, global and other levels and sustaining the interest of ruling class and others concerned – are inter alia and as appropriate responsible for prolongation or escalation (or otherwise as appropriate) of conflicts within and outside the region.
Preoccupations of for example the rulers in efforts towards protecting themselves and their control over resources under ‘guardianships’ of big brothers have been instrumental in weakening core capabilities of concerned countries in management of domestic stabilization; neighbor relations; respect for, and rights of, the people; maximum satisfaction of people; and elimination of wastage; to mention a few. As a result and as appropriate – cultivation of constructive pluralism and doable unity for the critical mass of democracy centered welfare states have been poor or insufficient; sustainable development remains unhealthy; corruption under oil culture is on the rise – multiplying events to illegitimate advantages of a few people, to disadvantages of rest of the people; fissions and fusions of various types – impacting on for example people-state and state-people relationships – have been hampering enlargement of the people’s choices for advancement; and vulnerabilities concerning transfer of ‘quality’ DNA at a variety of generational levels have been increasing, to mention a few.
In light of above and other developments, certain things are becoming apparent from on going crises in Egypt. A few of them have been presented here – not in the order of priority and importance but they are relative to time, space and other variables.
One, Initial outcomes of Arab Spring in the country could not apparently deal with expectations of Egypt beyond a slim majority of people therein, who have, at present and as appropriate, inadequate influences on the country’s institutional power, as well as politics.
Two, Arab Spring in Egypt has apparently missed the need for proper road maps, effective preparedness and cutting edge mitigation strategies for the country’s quick stabilisation and its moving forward through post Spring periods.
Three, President Morsi’s efforts towards change were apparently too quick for the development of critical mass of democracy in the country where mindsets, networks and other things of the country’s deposed ruler President Mubarak and Co. are still largely active, as well as powerful, where the people are yet to overcome – in meaningful and concerted manner – past affiliations, existential sense of insecurity and harmful culture of past regimes, to mention a few, in pursuits of initial conditions for transforming Egypt into a democracy led welfare state in the immediate future, and where President Morsi’s agendas and modus operandi for change were not adequate for national consensus and reconciliations in favor of quick changes for better in the country.
Four, Help and assistance from within the country and from neighbors in support of say national reconciliations in Egypt have not so far been effective at demand, supply and other sides of above reconciliations against the backdrop of say on going global reintegration.
The bottom line is: there is a perceived need for national and regional reconciliations in pursuits of for example paving the way for cultivation of democracy and establishment or sustenance (or both) of people’s rule in, as appropriate, Egypt and concerned Arab countries – at affordable costs and to maximum satisfaction of maximum number of people therein.
Israel could cash opportunities from Egypt crises – possibly leading to a breakthrough – by say facilitating national reconciliations efforts in Egypt in pursuits of a free, fair and credible election at the soonest therein and (help) beginning democratization of Egypt for benefits of all concerned including Israel. A few of the suggestions are here – reflecting on inter alia national and regional reconciliations – relative to known, unknown and other variables.
I. Fusion for unity plus cooperation and fission for competition at say market places on the part of all concerned including Egypt and Israel could be one of the guiding principles of above reconciliations and the aftermath.
II. Israel could announce its readiness to dialogue with Egypt’s major political parties including President Morsi’s party in pursuit of helping national reconciliation in Egypt and step up diplomacy and other activities for the realization of dialogue.
III. Israel and Egypt could – via taking full advantages of existing relationships between the two countries – organize debates and discourses between and among political parties of two countries and others concerned including the US with a view to creating common grounds for national reconciliations in Egypt and assisting implementation thereof.
IV. People of Israel, Egypt, the US and others concerned could capitalize on social media this time for protecting, preserving, upholding and promoting say spirits and motivations of Arab Spring in Egypt in support of national reconciliations therein.
V. Israel would require a solid and bold road map for facilitating national reconciliations in Egypt as part of efforts towards rescuing one of its neighbors (Egypt) from present day crises. A successful facilitation of reconciliations in Egypt by Israel could set for instance a fine example of bilateral cooperation – in a continually uncertain and increasingly interdependent world – for others to follow that.
The success of Israel, Egypt and others concerned including the US in matters of above reconciliations – in greater pursuits of say a “democracy-led welfare region” – would depend on inter alia and as appropriate as to how best and quickest: Israel, Egypt and concerned others could rise on the occasion in support of peace, progress, prosperity and respect for people not only in Egypt but in the region as a whole; countries concerned and regional institutions (say, OIC, Arab League) could establish, promote and utilise enabling environments for say bringing about the required improvement in ordinary people’s life, education, people to people contact, trade and investment at intra-country, inter-country and other levels; Israel, Egypt and Arab countries could liberate themselves from present day isolations in pursuits of becoming full, influential and useful members of the global village; concerned countries could transform peace into the best revenge of conflict at individual, collective, regional and other levels; countries in the region could initiate protection programs via establishment, operationalisation and maintenance of institutions similar to for example NATO; the region along with concerned others including the US could trigger and sustain constructive pluralism for resolution of say Israel-Palestinian disputes, Kashmir disputes.
Related Posts
