Masum Billah
The streets of Thailand have been rocked by anti-government campaign which started last month after Yingluck’s ruling Pheu Thai party had tried to pass an amnesty bill that critics said was designed to absolve Thaksin and others of politically related offenses and allow him to return home. The Senate rejected the bill in a bid to end the protests, but the rallies have gained momentum. Some elements probably hope that the situation becomes chaotic enough to serve as an excuse for the army to intervene, as happened in 2006. Yingluck and her Pheu Thai Party won an absolute majority in the 2011 election, and have used their position to railroad several measures through parliament, shortcutting ethical and legal procedures. About 100,000 anti-government protesters called for Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra to step down.The demonstrations are the biggest since 2010, when the Thai capital was engulfed in weeks of deadly violence between the red shirt supporters of Pheu Thai and the yellow shirts who back the opposition Democrat Party. Blowing whistles and waving Thai flags, an estimated 1,000 protesters broke into the finance ministry taking over seven floors of the building and forcing the staff to evacuate to the car park. Mr Suthep called on the demonstrators to occupy all government offices. On the other hand, around 40,000 red shirts gathered in a sports stadium on the outskirts signaling increasing fears of a repeat of the violence of 2010, when 90 people died and thousands were injured. “By occupying the finance ministry, the whole dynamic has changed,” Pitch Pongsawat, a professor of political science at Bangkok’s Chulalongkorn University, told the Telegraph. “Everyone is pushing the situation to the maximum.”
Demonstrators surrounded the Interior Ministry and then cut electricity and water to pressure people inside to leave. Security personnel locked themselves behind the ministry’s gates, with employees still inside. The transport, agriculture and tourism ministries were also closed because of the presence of protesters. The whole scenario tells that Thailand is entering a new period of political instability. Suthep has rejected new elections, which the now-opposition Democrats are certain to lose. In a speech he called for a change of the country’s parliamentary system. “If we take down the Thaksin regime tomorrow, we will set up a people’s council the day after tomorrow,” he told the cheering crowd. “Let the people’s council pick a good man to be the prime minister, good men to be ministers. Make it a dream team; make a Cabinet of your dream and the people’s government. “The Democrats, meanwhile, are leading a no-confidence debate in parliament this week and are petitioning the courts and independent state agencies to have ruling party lawmakers ousted for alleged violations of the law. Finally, the no-confidence vote took place on 28 November and Yingluck has breezed through it where her party holds a commanding majority but still faces mounting pressure from widening anti government protests. Yingluck needed more than half for 246 votes out of the 492 votes in the lower house to prevail, she won 297 with 134 votes against her. Her Puea Thai party and coalition partners dominate the lower house with 299 seats and comfortably survived the three-day debate during which the opposition grilled Yingluck on a $108 million water management scheme and financially troubled government rice intervention scheme.
Corruption has been a problem under every Thai government. Thaksin, a billionaire who owned a telecommunications empire, was ensnared in several conflict of interest accusations. Criticism of Yingluck has focused less on personal corruption and more on her policies, including her support of a broad amnesty bill that would have allowed Thaksin Sinawatra to return to Thailand without serving jail to Thaksin remains popular in Thailand’s less well-off rural areas, where voters were grateful for populist programs he instituted, such as virtually free health care. Pro-Thaksin parties easily won the two general elections held since the 2006 coup. But his opponents still have influence, particularly in the courts and the military. Thaksin’s supporters claim that Thailand’s traditional ruling elite oppose him because they risk losing influence to a popularly elected leader. Thaksin’s foes have suggested that the democratic system is flawed and that the elite should have a greater say in administering the country.
The opposition Democrat Party has harnessed the growing anti-government sentiment, while experts say the bill has chastened the ruling Puea Thai party and weakened Ms Yingluck’s authority. A spokesman for her party said the ruling coalition “would not bring this bill back to parliament”, adding the opposition protests were now groundless.But anti-government forces – with the Democrats at the helm – earlier vowed to keep up their mass rally. In a tub-thumping speech to rapturous supporters, a key Democrat leader vowed to turn the heat on Ms Yingluck’s government .Police have tear gas, batons, rubber bullets and water cannon at their disposal, according to Police General Adul Saengsingkaew, but will only use “necessary force” to ensure a peaceful protest.The turmoil has caused international concern and raised fears of fresh street violence in a country that has been rocked by several episodes of political unrest since royalist generals overthrew Thaksin in a 2006 coup. The billionaire telecoms tycoon-turned-politician draws strong support from many of the country’s rural and urban working class. But he is loathed among the elite and the middle classes, who accuse him of being corrupt and a threat to the monarchy. Security has been tightened on Bangkok’s streets which gives authorities additional powers to block routes, impose a curfew, ban gatherings and carry out searches. A Thai court yesterday approved an arrest warrant for Suthep — who resigned from the opposition Democrat Party to head the rallies — in connection with the occupation of government buildings. Yingluck reiterated that authorities would “absolutely not use violence” as she arrived at parliament. This is a true democratic talk. Police of the state must not be used off and on against public rallies and demonstrations which is taking place in many developing countries. Police must save the democracy, police will ensure security of the people, police will allow public wrath, police must show maximum restraint. This is the true spirit of democracy. Police must not save a person or party, but uphold the flag of democracy which the Tahi police still shows.
But the question remains, what comes next? It’s easy enough to overthrow a government, and the Thais have a history of doing so. The challenge generally lies in creating a new one, and keeping it in place. The process puzzles the political critics with the point that a popular leader, Yingluck Shinawatra, who’s now clearly out of luck, won in a landslide election. And now she is set to be replaced in an uprising, by another popular group.However, the protest leader, Suthep Thaugsuban, has not presented any clear plan for a post-Takshin future. Some are even arguing to go back to a more hard-line monarchist government, while others want to have greater regional democracy or federalism. Suthep Thaugsuban, has ruled out talks with the government or other parties. “ No more negotiations, he told cheering crowds after thousands massed outside four Thai government ministries, a major state office complexes and 31 provincial halls. The demonstrators a motely collection aligned with Banki’s royalist civilian and military elite, accuse Yingluck of being an illegitimate proxy for her brother Thaksin. But the practicality suggests that a sister prime minister can take advice from former brother prime minister. It’s not a strong opposing point. But public sentiment is peculiar most of the time. It does not follow reason. The demonstrators cut off electricity supply to the national police headquarters in Bangkok. It is not clear how police respond to the provocative move. But so far they have avoided serious confrontation with the demonstrators which we must appreciate but ensuring public security and opportunity to work for public servants is the duty lies with police.Yingluck in a televised national address, following the confidence vote on November 28, urged the demonstrators to end their rallies saying “ I propose to protesters to stop protesting and leave government offices so that civil service can move forward. The government does not want confrontation and is ready to cooperate with everybody to find a solution.” The world community evaluates this invitation of Yingluck. Why not the demonstrators?
(Masum Billah is programme manager, BRAC Education Programme and Vice-President: Bangladesh English Language Teachers Association( BELTA)
