By Dr. Sinha MA Sayeed
This day and age here in Bangladesh has grown and developed a sort of State-of-the-art Rule christened with the state-of-the-art defense from the very womb of ongoing parliamentary model for running the country and this archetypal (model) may precisely be wrapped up as “Bureaucratic-Politico archetypal”. Concurrent moving of State-of-the-art Rule and The state-of-the-art defense denotes that The state-of-the-art defense sanctions a defendant(s)—here in this presentation, person(s) involved in the State-of-the-art Rule–to be released of liability if he/she/they can corroborate that the state of technical and scientific knowledge, at the time when the product was put into circulation –-here in this presentation, the state-of-the-art-Rule–, was not such as to enable the existence of the defect to be discovered. Therefore, this state-of-the-art-defense acts as defense for the initiator(s) of this model. Towards such archetypal, captivatingly enough, President of the largest political party Awami League synchronously Prime Minister of the Government of People’s Republic of Bangladesh Sheikh Hasina, daughter of the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman seem to be sliding geometrically, nursing, and caring passionately with a shielded credence as a doable, indefatigable and dependable one. This is to her, as if, an emblematic spacecraft of Apollo 11 that firstly, safely and superbly landed on the Moon on 16 July 1969. She might have been convinced, besotted that this Bureaucratic-Politico Archetypal after the spirit of Apollo 11 certainly be in a position to transform her vision and mission into reality, befittingly contained in the political manifesto of AL, declared before parliamentary elections in 2008. Since she is self-confessedly pledge-bound to the nation politically and electorally to land on Lower-Middle Country status by 2021(touched in the interim), Upper-Middle Country status by 2031 and High-Income country statues by 2041, thus, left for her the Hobson’s choice, implying ‘take it or leave it’, to move forward facing and/or defying challenges–Oceanic and/or Himalayan– in national, regional and international perspectives. This is little bit extension of my write-up under the same title published in Centre for Governance Studies, CGS website on 13 May 2020.
Government, being one of the four pillars of state, plays actually as the heart of state. Of various forms of government in existence notably comes Presidential system after US model and Parliamentary System following British model. Within these two models, there prevail various models mostly tailored to match and continue with overall state of affairs in the states; States following presidential or parliamentary model can never be replica in action rather upholding the spirits of parent’s model act as containing the theme operationally, while constitutionally they try to style themselves as replica or to some extent more than this; The Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh with a parliamentary model in its own contexts was adopted and enacted on 4 November 1972, after the victory of the independent country on 16 December 1971.
Essentially enough; The Proclamation of Independence with a parliamentary model is the first constitution of Bangladesh, during the continuance of Liberation War, on 10 April, 1971 This was replaced with one-party presidential rule through the Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act, 25 January 1975 followed by the formation of BaKSAL (Bangladesh Krishak Sramil Awami League in Bangla and in English, Bangladesh Worker-Peasant’s People’s League) on 24 February encompassing Bangladesh Awami League, Communist Party of Bangladesh, National Awami Party(Mozaffar) and Jatiya League under the leadership of the father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who was assassinated in a civil-military coup on 15 August 1975. Bangladesh began journey with multi-party dictatorial rule with military-turned-civilian leaderships, General Ziaur Rahman and HM Ershad, under the camouflage of presidential system and continued up to 5th elections to parliament on 27 February 1991. Bangladesh returned to parliamentary model through the consensual passage of the Constitution (Twelfth Amendment) Act, 6 August 1991.
Paradoxically enough, this 12th amendment irradiated Prime Minister with such powers and functions, which virtually gave birth to a Prime Ministerial Model with authoritarian spirit under the shield of long-cherished Parliamentary model. Henceforward, Prime Minister is not the first among equals rather a Star around which rotate the Council of Ministers. Such grandiose standing was profligately enjoyed by former PM Begum Khaleda Zia and it has nowadays long been applied mathematically with geometry in front by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina with more belligerence, velocity and intensity. In our traditions, a Prime Minister puts on concurrently other two leading caps of parliamentary model one is Head of the party he/she belongs to and other being the Leader of house in parliament. Allowing thus all the three caps together in single hands prompted the strangulation of long-cherished parliamentary order in the land of nearly 180 million populations. Neither a bureaucrat nor a minister dare talk and suggest her even on relevant issues and concerns unless asked for. Converting council of ministers into a mere council of advisors or less, parliamentary system contained in the constitution is virtually crumbling speedily. PM’s sway over all the three branches of government—executive, legislative and judicial—- are well-founded; Successively, free, fair and credible elections to local and national bodies conducted by so-called Election Commission independently (so-called because structurally, financially and legally, it is very much dependent on the party in power) under the continuing Prime Ministerial Model with the mask of Parliamentary model sketchily got wretched by peerless riggings, manipulations and mock shows and come what may not.. Nonetheless, the three elections during non-party, neutral care taker government might be worthy by and large.
To our utter surprise, elections to 10th parliament on 29 January 2014 and 11th parliament 30 January 2019 under the party in power in consonance with the historic verdict of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh and then following the Constitution (Fifteenth Amendment) Act passed on 30 June 2011 scrapping non-party, neutral CTG provided by the Constitution (Thirteenth Amendment) Act, 1996 made our electoral race(s) in essence disparaging, non-accommodative, non-participating and electorate-phobic. Bangladesh started losing her image seriously at home and abroad. Sceneries deteriorated distressingly after the 11 th elections to parliament. It was factually elections with nonappearance of voters making operation of democracy as ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ (Abraham Lincoln) unassuming and ‘popular sovereignty subservient to legal sovereignty (in our milieu, so-called parliament)’ (Hillaire Barnett).
Aristotle, inquisitively full, in his classifications of forms of government in the epoch-making book ‘The Politics’ identified the nature of government—-Dictatorship, rule by one, Plutocracy, rule by few, and Polity, rule by many–on the basis of its activities in action and thus placed under the heads of ‘Standard form’ and perverted form’ ‘ He made it clear whatever the form of government appears yardstick is sincere purposes of government to work sincerely for the people in a state, then city state and opposite is perversion. In view of that, when a government by many neither dictatorship, rule by one, nor aristocracy, rule by few, elected by many, works committedly for the many without self/ vested interests, it is called ‘Plutocracy’, nonconformity is perversion, which is called ‘Democracy.’ What a fallacy it is that Democracy in spite of its being perverted form of Plutocracy became the best acceptable model of administration eventually. Also attention-grabbing is sliding of democracy towards more downgrading, which came to be known as ‘Demagogy (James Fennimore Cooper)’ denoting political activity or practices that seek support by appealing to the desires and prejudices of ordinary people rather than by using rational argument.
Under all these unmatched circumstances, bureaucracies both civil and defense with all intents and purposes, started getting consolidated and evocative say on administration and running the government ensemble firstly, because of their pro-active partisan role in total disregard and violations of established rules in elections in favour of the party in power and secondly, as a corollary, increasing and swelling dependence of PM on them causing corresponding diminishing reliance on political leaders in Awami League and council of ministers in the government. First one denotes total disregard to and violations of established rules of civil services while second one signifies purposeful deviations from political stand of a political administration. Another one crops up and crawls is marked with so many choosy, catchy maxims like ‘Ends justifies the means, not the reverse (Niccole Machiavelli)’, ‘Strike while the iron is hot (Fabian policy)’, ‘Stich in time saves nine (a French proverb)’, ‘It does not matter if a cat is red or white so long it catches mice (Deng Xiaoping)’, ‘The elephant has a huge body but is controlled by the ankusha (goad): yet, is the goad as large as the elephant? A lighted candle banishes darkness: is the candle as vast as the darkness. A mountain is broken even by a thunderbolt: is the thunderbolt therefore as big as the mountain? No, he whose power prevails is really mighty; what is there in bulk {Kautilya)?’ and so on. Uses of such political maxims need to be dealt politically by political leaderships, not by bureaucracies whereas generally sidelined they are these days. In such bureaucratic gobbledygook, the most perilous is the deletion of the oft-quoted caution ‘Power tends to corrupts; absolute powers corrupt absolutely (Lord Acton)’.
PM began slanting towards bureaucracies as closer, smarter and more reliable than the council of ministers and ranks and files in her party AL. PM’s office became centre of all powers and functions with the principal secretary as coordinating figure outshining the office of the cabinet secretary, number 1 in the hierarchy of bureaucracies. Selections, appointments, postings, promotions and deputations all became prerogatives of PM that further made the office and principal secretary almost a deciding factor, a role should always exclusively remain in the office of cabinet secretary who customarily leads so many committees plus promotion committee(s). Creation of the post of Chief coordinator with status and privileges of principal secretary entrusted with overall coordination of development activities of the government is another breakthrough of concentration of everything in PM‘s office, effectively in the hands of Chief coordinator. PM’s overreliance on bureaucracies to face the challenges of COVID19 at the dire negation to the expected role of the council of ministers and her party AL in totality bears testimony to the preponderance of Bureaucracies.
Likewise, Defense forces are well cared, honoured with worthwhile accommodation in civil administration chiefly in development and medical domains and thus, as a nonstop course, squeezing spaces for civil ones in other domains accordingly. From concrete standpoints, defense forces of present-day Bangladesh hardly are war-oriented rather better it is to have their committed services in nation-building areas as far as practicable. PM’s realization in this regard is well-manifested in action. Such initiatives, sensitively saying, signify skulking towards the highly talked-about concept of ‘Defense participation in civil administration’. Historically speaking, it began slightly with Zia regime, stirred visibly during HM Ershad regime, trundled alive through Khaleda Zia regime. Eventually, bureaucracies both civil and defense came forefront with full supports and patronages from Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. With shabby, loyal and non-responsive Opposition in parliament, Hasina regime became more strengthened, consolidated administratively making her party AL less instrumental politically for power play.
In such a set-up, birth, spread and proliferation, necessarily or not, of cronyisms, sycophancies, lobbies, philistinism ramble unbridled. Attacks and blasts of such adverse scenario make victims those who are meritorious, competent, flag-waver and forward-looking. Excruciating nous of deprivations, suppressions, suffocation and phobia chases all the best concerned. Believe it or not, current state of affairs is trapped in it.
Under these singularities, evolution, propagation and perpetuation of unholy nexuses with various altitudes and penetrations between bureaucracies and those in the fields of industries, trade and commerce frequently move unrestrained everywhere twisting, slicing, toasting and buttering policies, rules and disciplines therein. Moreover, benefactions and special considerations, a blessed term in administration, are on at random disavowing viable, transparent and sound atmosphere in these domains running by again ‘The privilege of absurdity; to which no living creature is subject, but man only’{Thomas Hobbes)..Corruptions from micro to macro levels are an inescapable conclusion despite the intimidating advents of so many anti-corruptions drives ranging from departmental to Anti-Corruption Commission in totality. Leaderships and managements in both money market and capital market are in disarray to a larger extent while bad element hunt good ones; worst ones annihilate the best ones. Alas! Bangladesh is faced with such a state of affairs.
Irony of our fate is that instead of growing and developing a sizeable quantity of educated, promising, forward-looking business persons, taking into its fold all from trade and commerce to industries, with penetrating patriotic ethical norms, values and standards, here in Bangladesh has grown and developed otherwise who are typically dependent on banks and financial institutions and thus, breeding various irregularities, flaws, lapses and so forth. And from at this point emerged a ‘Culture of Loan-defaulting and money laundering’, which is a matter of great concern on all counts.
Political barograph came down to the bottommost when—keeping electoral race and victory in mind as the moot point— political parties in Bangladesh started getting reshaped predominantly in the domain of choosing formidable candidates to contest elections. Mathematical formula is, Money is more powerful as captivating point than dedication, sacrifices, experience, reputation, educations, clean image and background. As a result, through this coveted channel began pouring in so many business persons, habitually self-centred, opportunists, strategic but so-called well-off. Such upsurge of business persons with parallel decline of dedicated, honest and political elements in the parliaments of Bangladesh cannot be flattering with parliamentary democracy. Self and vested interests prevails and law-making aimed at the well-being and needs of the people eventually hardly get priority in the end. ‘All generous minds have a horror of what are commonly called ‘Facts’. They are the brute beasts of the intellectual domain’ wrote so Thomas Hobbes, father of modern political science, in his masterpiece ‘Leviathan’.
Very much shocking it is as well that intelligentsias in the present day are divided into party-line trailing their voices as and when required for greater interests of the nation. Highbrows around PM may barely be called friend, philosopher and guide rather they are engrossed in the policy of appeasement and thus warrant opportunities and privileges and so forth. No doubt, policy of appeasement acts as stimulant to stir up politically nursed, developed and matured leader imbued with democratic values and ethos to slide bit by bit towards authoritarianism or dictatorship. Therefore, Intelligentsia must also be held responsible for encouraging emergence of such Bureaucratic-politico Archetypal.
Hasina’s politico-diplomatic leadership sparkled unbelievably when after highly blemished elections to the 11th parliament on 30 February 2018, foreign powers; inter alia, China, India and the Middle Eastern monarchies were quick to countersign Hasina’s recent triumph. The response from key Western powers such as the US, the UK and the EU were cautious but not unfriendly. They promised to work with the new government while in a muffled voice said it was important to address the issue of alleged election irregularities and the human rights violations.
Even so, failures, successes, challenges and dilemmas, geo-politic or else, in bi-lateral, regional and global outlooks, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina buoyantly rose to a considerable altitude when she speciously has thrived in building ties synchronously with India and China–concentrating not so unbecomingly on their respective frame of interests, conflicting or not–and leaderships therein stood by her in a wider mood, mode and accommodation politically, strategically, commercially, economically and developmentally, although China’s multi-faceted pro-active presence and participations is visibly draconian and Himalayan in spirits and implementations. Her distancing, frequently centering operational efficacy of democracy, free, fair and credible elections in precise,, from western world specifically with US got minimized supposedly to a certain extent through India, which US considers as subcontinental power in South Asia and trusted ally in Asian perspective. Her rapports with Russia and Muslim Uma covering Saudi Arabia and Middle Eastern countries appear worthwhile so far, notwithstanding anything happened problematically on Bangladesh’s joining Saudi led alliance in Middle East. To strike a state of safe distance equally from India and China, which is not so visible hitherto, shall in future be a real challenge before Hasina administration.
In a nutshell, Bangladesh in such mathematics and summations, save India and China, is not faced with major challenges palpably and her foreign policy is by and large working with above, on par and below vacillations under the circumstances, favorable or not. In all cases, roles of political leaders and even senior cabinet members are ostracized ever since matters related to foreign policy entirely remain with PM where diplomats, career and/or contractual, play role as usual. Handling of burning issues like Hefajat-e-Islam, Rohingya and Coronavirus bears stark example.
In actuality, foreign policy is an atomic term that includes so many actors to play from respective stations in the government and it is chorus in nature since the voices and plays, simultaneous or not, aimed at upholding vision and mission, policies, strategies and requirements of the party in power in particular and state in general. Multiplicities of diplomatic tracks, old or new, with summit diplomacy between or among heads of governments and states using various modes of communications in rapidly growing, escalating and expanding digital hemispheres virtually made the world a global village. Spaces and compasses of functions played earlier by ministry of foreign affairs have decreased correspondingly making it almost a post office.. Rise and tramp of Political diplomacy is now an essential utility in bi-lateral, regional and global compacts. To suit all purposes, reshaping and remodeling foreign ministry came as condition precedent in every state. Foreign policy of Bangladesh is officially handled and monitored by its foreign ministry being under direct command of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. In our setting, foreign minister is set to perform and move without much shining and raying since such radiations remain tagged totally with the August chair of the Prime Minister.
.With a not too-bad-too-good smelling of developments and standard of life and commendable size of forex reserve say, more than 32 billion US dollar coming largely from remittances and exports of ready-made garments, Bangladesh, rising Asian tiger, has stepped into Lower-Middle Country status as per WB standard and she is likely to get primary recognition in 2021 from UN. Therefore, PM may now find logic and supports having a feeling’ ’Better a diamond with a flaw than a pebble without (Confucius)’, which may be incompatible with those who speak otherwise, although reality with serious democratic deficits, developmental incongruities and unbridled corruptions cannot be sidetracked at all.
Is Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina committing mistakes/blunders politically undermining her party AL and ranks and files therein? Is she estranging herself for reasons known to her paranormally? In a working committee meeting of AL at her official residence Gonobhavan, why did she air with desperations that ‘everyone excluding she is purchasable?’ Is she getting exhausted recalling the earth-shattering murky flare-up of her father, also father of the nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman ‘“Everyone gets gold mines, but I have got thief mines?’. Do all these connote that today she cannot trust anybody, even if she has to trust under compelling circumstances that is merely a ‘tactical trust’ and, and so, typically alone she is these days? Still she may prefer to say ‘I learned that courage was not the absence of fear, but the triumph over it. The brave man is not he who does not feel afraid, but he who conquers that fear’ (Nelsen Mandela).
All the same, one way or the other, everybody entailing bureaucracies, intelligentsia, businesspersons, persons with legal backgrounds and political activists belonging to ruling Awami league and 14-party alliance in the cloudy political firmaments racing, lobbying leaving no stone unturned causing too much perspirations to fall into the gravitational hemisphere of Sheikh Prime Minister to whom lies both centripetal and centrifugal forces. Hence a saying from great scholar Jalaluddin Rumi may be a pointer ‘Anything which is more than our necessity is Poison. It may be power, wealth, hunger, ego, greed, laziness, love, abolition, hate or anything’.
As a consequence, in Bangladesh, from the very womb of ongoing Prime Ministerial model under the cover of parliamentary model emerged another one called Bureaucratic-Politico archetypal where preponderance of bureaucracies is well recognized.
(Dr. Sinha MA Sayeed, Writer, Columnist and Chairman of Leadership Studies foundation, LSP, at sinha_sayeed@yahoo.com)
